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Black
Issues Forum #1420
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Holloway:
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Jay
Holloway, host |
| Martin: |
Dr.
Donald Martin, Superintendent of Winston-Salem/Forsyth
County Schools |
| Collins:
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Nancy
Collins, co-director of Many Voices, One Community |
| Eversley:
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Reverend
Carlton Eversley, Chairman of the NAACP Education Committee
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Martin:
Dr. Donald Martin, Superintendent
of Winston-Salem/Forsyth County Schools Collins: Nancy Collins,
co-director of Many Voices, One Community Eversley: Reverend
Carlton Eversley, Chairman of the NAACP Education Committee
Holloway:
Education, youth, and race relations.
We'll talk about that tonight on Black Issues Forum. Stay
tuned next. [MUSIC]
Holloway:
Good evening and welcome to
Black Issues Forum. I'm Jay Holloway, your host. We're in
Winston-Salem, North Carolina tonight on the campus of Winston
Salem State. We're talking about educating youth about race
relations. Another town hall meeting. And thank you for joining
us. We have a full studio audience here in Winston-Salem on
the campus, and a distinguished panel. Let me introduce first,
staring with Dr. Donald Martin. Dr. Martin is the Superintendent
here in Winston-Salem/Forsyth County Schools. Dr. Martin,
thank you for being with us. Nancy Collins is co-director
of Many Voices, One Community. Thank you, Nancy, for being
with us. Last but not least is Reverend Carlton Eversley.
He's chairman of the NAACP Education Committee. Thank you
for being with us, Dr. Eversley. We're talking about youth
in race relations, and we have a number of youth here in our
audience. We have a good representation of organizations that
are concerned about that, and hopefully our youth in the audience
will participate tonight in our discussion. But I think a
forum like this is a good opportunity to talk about some real
issues and for youth to learn that racial problems are evident,
they will face them, and maybe they can learn from us and
they can also share something for us to learn from them about
how to deal with these issues. Nancy Collins, let me start
with you. Your organization is Many Voice, One Community.
And does it do what the name says? What are you doing to bring
people together around these issues?
Collins:
We are trying to ensure that
the vast group of voices in this community are all heard,
which is one of the things we want is to hear the voices of
youth heard. So it's strange hearing this from a 56-year old
woman, but we're really interested in getting those voices
out and having dialogue and bringing together the vast number
of organizations in this city who work on race relations issues
together. And most of all to get people involved in talking
about race relations who have never thought that it was an
issue for them, that it was an issue in which they should
be involved.
Holloway:
Reverend Eversley, this community
in Winston-Salem was the first community in our state to introduce
an Afrocentric curriculum in a school, and I understand you
were a part of that curriculum development. Tell our audience
about that, and why do you think it started here in Winston-Salem?
Eversley:
Well I did write that proposal
in 1994, and it related directly to the election of school
board in 1994. We had high hopes that we might have elected
a progressive Board of Education, and as you recall, there
was a great Republican landslide that year across the country.
It swept this county as well; our Board is now 7 to 2, white
to black, 7 to 2, Republican to Democratic. And to make a
long story short, we felt, in the NAACP and several other
major organizations--the Urban League, the Ministers' Conference,
Citizens United for Justice--that the people who got elected
were most interested not so much in education but it was in
withdrawing white children from the inner city into middle
school. And so the Afrocentric proposal is essentially a fall-back
proposal to say, now that we know we're going to have some
all-black schools, what would be the nature and character
of them? And that's when we designed the Afrocentric proposal.
Holloway:
When you think about this curriculum
and also Afrocentric and black schools, the issue of neighborhood
schools comes up. What about this school districting in Winston-Salem
and Forsyth, how did you all welcome something like this and
how do you deal with the whole issue of this type of controversy,
if it is.
Martin:
Well certainly many communities
I think in North Carolina are facing reassignment of pupils,
overcrowding, building buildings. And this community had been
cross-district busing to achieve racial balance, really since
1983. And the new school board that Dr. Eversley mentioned
actually ran on a platform of how can we return schools to
more neighborhood school format. What we spent about six months
developing was a redistricting plan that actually is based
on choice, and it's a pattern called "controlled choice" where
there's a certain number of rules, a student can choose one
of 4 or 5 elementary schools. We provide transportation to
that school and you get your first choice if it's in the area
that is kind of your resident area. We don't use "neighborhood"
simply because schools are not exactly where people live now,
and it's the closest school, really. And so we call it a resident
area, you get a preference to go there. Although we do have
several racially-identified black schools in the inner city,
any student who wants to choose a school outside of that area
in their zone, we provide transportation and guarantee them
a seat at that school. And I'll just give you one brief example.
We have a school that's not too awful far from here, that's
in fact very close, Jefferson D. Diggs Elementary School is
in the middle of a housing community. It is a basically 100%
African-American area.
Holloway:
That's why this curriculum.
Martin:
Exactly. And that's the place
that the Afrocentric curriculum began. We have a school a
good piece from here towards the Guilford County line that's
in an area that's 90%. That school is 30% African-American,
predominantly because we have students from this area who
have chosen to go to that school and we transport them. And
we actually have unlimited choice until the school reaches
to within 10% of our minority ratio, which is 44%. So up until
34%, the school could be 34% and we would guarantee seats.
So we haven't created just all African-American schools, we've
actually, you have a choice and the people who are at Jefferson
D. Diggs have chosen to be there.
Holloway:
How do you, if the Diggs elementary
school is close to this institution, in the black neighborhood,
but is predominantly black, so we're talking about race relations
here but do the majority students get an opportunity to learn
this type of curriculum and are they coming into this community
to these schools?
Martin:
Well just to use that example,
it's a very small elementary, about 280 students. We have
8 white students who chose and selected that school. It also
has an arts theme, it's very close to the North Carolina School
of the Arts. And we do not have any white students who have
selected to be a part of the Afrocentric curriculum. But just
as were talking earlier, we also have an African-American
infusion project for every student, that's in its fifth year
of implementation, which is, as Reverend Eversley will tell
you, is a different approach and a different curriculum.
Holloway:
Well that's a good question.
What is the difference between this African-American infusion
project and this Afrocentric curriculum? And I want Ms. Collins
to comment on the benefits.
Eversley:
I know, we'll do that, but I
think I need to do some responding from the NAACP side to
the Superintendent, and again, it should be made clear that
we are at this point in an adversarial relationship because
this redistricting plan was something that we feel was imposed
upon the black community by the white community. In other
words, it was the 7 white members who voted for this plan
that he's now describing as choice, and the 2 black members,
Mr. Walker Marshall and Ms. Denita Brown, voted against it.
So this is not something that the black community had some
democratic say over. In fact, in the summer of 1992, the school
board happened to be all white and was going to put this on
us without any black people being at the table, and we had
to actually engage in nonviolent civil disobedience to stop
their meeting in order to get Ms. Brown and Mr. Marshall at
the table. So I just want to put this in a context. This is
not something that everybody got together on and said, "Isn't
this a great school choice plan?" And again, what has happened
is, white folks in this county have built brand-new, multi-million
dollar middle schools in the suburbs, Kernersville, Clemmons,
and so forth. And what they have given to black people, like
a school like this, is a conversion of a school that is much
older than I am, and I'm over 40 years old-for a cost of about
a quarter of a million dollars and said, "You guys should
be satisfied with this equity in resources." It is, in our
opinion, an unfair plan, a racist plan, a willfully, intentionally
resegregation plan, and we are going to be taking them to
court.
Holloway:
Dr. Martin, can you understand
where he's coming from? Is this a racist situation?
Martin:
I think our school board would
agree that the choice in parents choosing their school is
very important. And the issue of building the middle schools
that Reverend Eversley mentions, we had no middle schools
out in the County. Basically all of our middle school students
were bused into the city, and then we bused elementary children
out into the county, and we did not have elementary schools
in the county. And we have two brand new elementary schools,
one that opened last year, North Hills Elementary, and another,
Petree Elementary, that are in 100% African-American neighborhoods.
And the issue of equity in building is you either tear down
an existing building and start over or you bring it up to
speed. I think our board is committed to choice, and it is
certainly, in fact, every rule that we have that allows no
racial isolation, the ability to go to another school, provide
transportation from door to the school, is exactly the intent
not to resegretate schools. And Reverend Eversley has mentioned
elections, we just had one back in the fall of 1998, and every
single one of our school board members were up for election,
and they all were reelected with the exception of one who
had lost in a primary. And I think our school board members
interpret that particular election as somewhat of an affirmation
on the redistricting plan of the last four years. So I think
there's a probably a difference of opinion in terms of who
the board is representing in this redistricting plan.
Holloway:
Well, I tell you, we have a
statewide audience and many of our communities across the
state are dealing with these redistricting issues, and it's
not unique to have a controversy like this. But Ms. Collins,
you sit physically in the middle, and perhaps in the middle
of the issue! [LAUGHTER FROM PANEL]
Holloway:
Tell us how a group like yours
can bring two adversarial sides like this to the table to
work out something mutually beneficial.
Collins:
Well it's always a difficult
thing to do, but one of the most positive things is to hear
what people have to say and to get those issues out on the
table. But one of the issues that always comes up for us is
the sense that we have a responsibility to educate all of
our children to know about each other, that we have a responsibility
to have a curriculum in schools in which our children of this
city are prepared to move into the year 2020 when people of
color will be the majority in the country. And we cannot use
old ideas or old theories or old systems to approach a massively
changing global world. Our children deserve better from us
than that we're still mired in that kind of argument. So I
think that one of the big things that we feel we have to do
is to try to get people to the table, and to help people to
really listen to each other, particularly to work with the
white community to get us to listen to and understand what
the concerns are. Dr. Martin often quotes that 30%, I believe
you said, of the children who attend what would be all-white
schools are African-American because their parents are willing
to transport them to another school for a better education.
Martin:
We transport them.
Collins:
You transport them, as long
as it's within the zone.
Martin:
Yes.
Collins:
Okay. We need to help white
parents to realize that their children could be benefited
by being in African-American schools. We need to develop African-American
schools which are so good that white parents will want their
children to be in that school. We need to make changes that
guarantee that white people are magnetized into African-American
education because it's so fine in this city.
Eversley:
I need to respond, because the
Superintendent's comments, because they seem so blithe and
neutral and reasonable on the face, but we're sure that the
Superintendent and the School Board is following the will
of the electorate. What we're saying is that the electorate
of Forsyth County is racist, and that's why they've elected
these people, and that's why they've hired you to do this
to us, to work this upon us. Let me give you some quick examples.
He talks about diversity, and wanting to avoid resegregation.
In the first of these zones, we knew and had a long history
of exactly what Ms. Collins is saying, of white parents putting
their children in a black school, which is the Kimberly Park
Magnet School in a historically black neighborhood. White
parents were very happy to put their children in it because
it was a great school and it emphasized the theme that they
wanted the most: the math and science theme. So we knew that
that's what white parents wanted. And so we said to the School
Board and the Superintendent, "Look, if you want white people
to come to a white school, put the math/science theme in a
black neighborhood, and a black neighborhood only." Well what
happened? They put a math/science theme in a black neighborhood,
and they put a math/science theme in a white neighborhood.
And lo and behold, Sherlock, the white folks went to the white
one, and the black folks went to the black one. And they said,
"We're shocked, we're amazed that white folks did this and
black folks did that." And so they said, "We will make substantial
adjustments in this plan as it unfolds from 1994 to 1999."
And I am waiting to this day for the substantial adjustment
that has been made since 1994.
Holloway:
Well you've got our audience
up and there's a line now. Let's go to our first question
or comment from the audience. Go right ahead, sir.
Male:
For 30 years here in this community,
we had cross-busing in order to achieve integration. That
taught us that young folk could get along together. It is
awfully interesting to me that at this period in our existence
when we talk about wanting racial integration, we did away
with the plan that provided an integrated experience for every
child in this county in lieu of something that segregates
them.
Holloway:
So we've been working on
this for some time now, and we still have the problem. What
does it say if we as the adult community are having these
problems, still working on them. We haven't heard from our
youth yet, and we want some of you to come up to the microphone.
But what are we teaching our kids about race relations? And
I want you to think about that. But let's go to our next,
we have another person in the audience here now. Ma'am, please
go right ahead with your question or comment please.
Female:
I am an elementary school teacher
here in the Winston-Salem/Forsyth County school system, and
have been for quite a few years. I have two comments to make,
and one has to do with equity. I believe Brown vs. the Board
of Education back there in the '50s, the Supreme Court at
that particular time said that separate was not equal. And
many people in the community do not understand, including
myself, I do not understand how separate can be equal. As
I hear the community grapple with this issue, one of the terms
that continuously comes up is equity. And if the resources
are not equitable, then it is a dream that schools are equal
and after equality comes excellence. That is the reality of
the situation. Then, to answer your question about how does
it affect elementary school students, how does if affect students?
I'm in the capricious capacity to observe and to learn every
single day from across the county how students respond to
each other, what they bring with them to the table.
I'm here to say to you that
the family is the most important entity in this whole situation,
and kids as early as kindergarten, first and second grade
are being taught to be racist, to be separatist, to make distinctions
based on color, and they're being taught that very overtly
by their parents. For example, if a person would like to invite
a child of color to a birthday party, and the white child
may bring invitations to school to give to certain people,
I have heard white children say, "My mother told me I cannot
invite anybody black to my birthday party. I like you here,
but I can't invite you." So racism is being taught, and that
is the sad thing about what is happening. It is sad in light
of the future, because we live in a very mobile society, we
live in a very integrated world. Are we actually doing what
we need to do for our children to prepare them for the realities
of their adulthood, even after perhaps we are gone?
Holloway:
Thank you very much. Let
me ask our panel that. What are we doing in the capacities
of the community, the NAACP, the school system and organizations
bridging together to offset these? These are the realities
that I hear all across the state.
Martin:
Let me say first, I just
want to comment about, I mean our real issue in education
is student achievement, and I think most people know that
the North Carolina legislature created a pretty comprehensive
accountability plan for public schools that includes punishments
and rewards for teachers and others. And I think in the case
of all the 30 years of cross-district busing that we talked
about, we have a minority-majority achievement gap that is
staggering. And in fact, we have a new way of reporting that
information now, basically that's called, we can determine
someone on grade level based on how our tests are administered.
So you're either proficient or you're not. If you're proficient
you're on grade level, or you're not, you're below, and there
are two levels below. So when we report that kind of information,
we have a tremendous gap between our white students and our
African-American students and Hispanic students. And we have
actually looked at that, we've broken that down by free and
reduced lunch students, by male and female students, by the
free-reduced-paid lunch students, and we've analyzed this
statistically and it is not just income. It is not just poor
children, there really is an interaction between race and
income. And this is something, that is a mystery that every
single one of us in this community need to be concerned about
solving. And that particular gap exists across North Carolina.
In fact, ours is almost identical to the state of North Carolina,
but it is almost 2 to 1 in terms of, we're 80% proficient
roughly for white students, about 45% for African-American
students.
Holloway:
We'll come back and talk
about that, equity and education and performance for race
in just a second. Let's go back again to our audience. Sir,
go right ahead, your question or comment.
Male:
Yes, my name if Jimmy Bonham
and I like the equity in education, but I like the equity
in finance as well. A couple of years ago we voted for a $94
million bond referendum in which we used a lot of high-profile
African-Americans in the community to pass this $94 million
bond referendum. We were promised certain things from that
referendum, in which one was we would get an African-American
school, an Afrocentric school, but only we got Afrocentric
studies, particularly one course. My question is, why is it
when money is involved, they come and lobby us to pass the
bond referendum, but when it's passed they kind of turn their
backs on us as far as construction is concerned. They built
9 schools in the urban area, and just last week we were trying
to get one middle school converted into a high school, or
if not, build us a high school in the eastern sector of our
community.
Holloway:
Let's deal with that, because
we've got just 5 minutes left, and I want to get to another
question. But let me have our panel respond to that. And let
me just say, I heard a gentleman speak at the King celebration
not too long ago talking about when it's black it's always
racial, but if it's white, it's economics. And so I kind of
want to echo what he's saying here. It's an economic issue.
Who would like to respond to that.
Eversley:
Well, usually when white
people raise the "it's the economics, not race," they're not
serious about dealing with either one. What we're dealing
with is the oppression of poor people, a disproportionate
number of whom happen to be African-American. So race is where
economic oppression and exploitation intersect. If we could
get the white power at least to work seriously on either one
of them, I'd be happy. But what you get is a lot of obfuscation
and game playing. The fact of the matter is, in this county
there's a long history of black folks being lied to by the
white power elite in education over these bonds which we historically
have voted for. The great coach of this university, they trot
out Coach Gaines to sell these bonds to us, they trot out
the former math professor who we all love and regard, Dr.
Newell. And then once the bonds are passed, oftentimes we
find ourselves deeply disappointed. In fact, Dr. Martin can
recall that the only reason I supported these 1995 bonds was
his personal promise and others' to do the renovation of Atkins
Middle School, which had been promised in 1989! As well as
the Afrocentric piece. And so we have been dissed, and in
many different ways.
Holloway:
Let me let Ms. Collins respond,
then we'll have time for one last question if we can get the
next person after this. Okay?
Collins:
I wanted to go back and respond
to something that Dr. Martin had said before about the gap
in achievement, which I think is incredibly important, and
I'm not saying it's not tied to economics. But there was in
that statement almost an implication that working on race
relations and improving Afrocentric curricula and that developing
more programs to develop the self-esteem of students and to
do diversity work is somehow in conflict with promoting the
education of African-American students. We're in a school
system where nearly 40% of our students are African-American,
and nearly 70% of our teachers are white. One of the things
that we must have if we're going to educate African-American
children is a belief on every person that works with those
children that high expectations are there, that that child
can reach the moon. And in order to do that we have to work
with people like me to change our understanding of the expectations
of these children to develop new history and understanding
and information. I don't think that conflicts with the desire
for us to change that gap. I think it's essential to us changing
the gap. Children need to learn about themselves, teachers
need to learn to respect their students if anyone's going
to achieve.
Holloway:
Thank you very much. [APPLAUSE]
Holloway:
Listen, we have one other
person to question. Can you make your comment maybe in less
than 30 seconds? Because we'll have to close there.
Holloway:
Can't wait for next week,
the next program. Okay, we're going to do our next program,
and we'll calling your first.
Male:
Well let me give you 30 seconds.
Holloway:
Quick, very quick please.
Male:
Okay. The black community--and
I'm a part of the black community-I attended Catholic schools
back in the early 60s, before integration. Our focus has left
academic excellence and we have been distracted by this racial
get-along nonsense. We need to first get along with ourselves.
Now the responsibility of the economics being unfair is a
result of our inefficient leadership. Period.
Holloway:
Okay, well sir, I'll have
to cut you off there.
Male:
Okay, I'll come back. And I want
you, I recommend this as reading for all Caucasian people.
Holloway:
All right. Well we thank
you so much, and we're going to have to end the program right
now. We thank you so much. Time has run completely out, and
we thank you so much. We certainly hope that you've been influenced
to think more about the issues of equity, education, how it
interferes with performance, school achievement, and your
role in discussing and improving race relations. I want to
thank Winston-Salem State, and thank you for watching, thank
you to our studio audience. Join us again next week for Part
II of the town hall meeting in Winston-Salem on the campus
of Winston-Salem State. I'm Jay Holloway, you have a blessed
evening and good night. [END]
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